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Friday, March 9, 2012

Pro evolution Soccer 2012 PS2


Pro evolution Soccer 2012
PS2

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Need FOR Spessa The Run


Need for Speed
The Run

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Recommended System Requirements

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SCREENS

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New ball: adidas Comoequa
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New faces: More than 450 new faces added in faceserver, in total more than 1100 faces in faceserver
New kits: Austria, Brazil, Chile, Classic England, Classic Germany, Classic Netherlands, Czech, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Greece, Las Palmas, Manchester City, Middlesbrough, M?nchengladbach, Murcia, Netherlands, Olympiacos, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Spain, Switzerland, Ukraine, Wales
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Thursday, March 8, 2012

Meddling in Africa

All signs indicate that Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman remains keen on implementing his ministry's strategic priorities as set out from his first day in office, including pouncing on Africa. Lieberman's interest in Africa revives former prime minister Golda Meir's outlook in the 1950s and 1960s. She visited most non-Arab states on the continent. Israel's current intensified moves mainly target the Horn of Africa, which includes Kenya, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia.
While the Israeli Foreign Ministry is in theory in charge of Israel's policies in Africa, there is no doubt that the party that is playing the greater role is Mossad. It maintains active agents in many African capitals, as recently revealed by Haaretz newspaper. Assigning Mossad this task is directly connected to this organisation's routine attempts to undermine the national security of Arab states in Africa and on the Red Sea.
Indeed, there is a direct relationship between recent efforts to nurture Israeli-Ethiopian ties and threats by the government of Addis Ababa to re-channel Nile waters to the disadvantage of Egypt and Sudan. According to Israeli sources, the relationship between Tel Aviv and Addis Ababa went to a new level when Tel Aviv showed dexterity in abandoning its former ally Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki for the sake of closer ties with the Ethiopian regime. Israel and Ethiopia have signed many arms deals and are involved in training programmes whereby Israeli military units train Ethiopian forces.
Some make a connection between Tel Aviv's cooperation with Addis Ababa and Ethiopia's victories over Eritrea in battles that took place two years ago. Meanwhile, no one expects Israel or Ethiopia to reveal what may have been planned against Egypt behind the scenes. Lieberman once threatened to destroy Egypt's High Dam. Meanwhile, Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz insists that Egypt is an "enemy state" despite the 1978 Egypt- Israel Peace Treaty.
It is widely known that Israel uses its relations with states and political movements that are hostile to Arab countries to undermine Arab national security, and distract influential Arab states with secondary issues. This way, the role of these Arab states in the Arab-Israeli conflict is curtailed. In a recent and unprecedented admission, Shlomo Nakdimon, adviser to former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, stated that Israel had manoeuvred since the 1950s to strengthen ties with the Kurds in northern Iraq in support of their separatist agenda to undermine the Iraqi regime and influence the priorities of Baghdad. For the same reasons, Israel drew closer to the Shah of Iran as well as the military leadership and secularists in Turkey because of their animosity towards the Arab world. Israel also built an alliance with the Maronites in Lebanon to target Palestinian resistance and Lebanese nationalist movements.
In his book Periphery Alliance, Nakdimon noted that the same reasoning was behind Israel's move to nurture ties with the separatist Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), whereby they supplied the movement with arms and training. It is also no secret that Tel Aviv encouraged Jewish lobby groups in the US to draft agendas for expatriate Coptic groups, which are then presented to the US Congress and the US administration, specifically to include claims of discrimination and oppression of Copts.
Regarding Ethiopia, there was a time when Eritrean President Afewerki had strong ties with Israel, which had convinced him to undermine the security of Yemen by occupying Yemeni islands in the Red Sea using superior weapons supplied by Israel. But since that time Tel Aviv has felt it more beneficial to nurture relations with Ethiopia -- Afewerki's arch nemesis -- and did not hesitate in cutting the Eritrean president off. In particular, Tel Aviv wants to sidetrack Egypt since it continues to be the major challenge for Israel's regional strategy, as stated by Israel's deputy prime minister and minister of strategic threats in Netanyahu's government, General Moshe Yalon, who previously served as chief of staff of the armed forces.
Israel's interest in the Horn of Africa is not limited to meddling in Egypt's national security by interfering with Cairo's quota of Nile waters, but also serves higher Israeli goals. The Horn of Africa overlooks the straits of Bab Al-Mandab, through which passes 20 per cent of Israel's foreign trade. The growing power of Al-Qaeda and other groups associated with it in the region, especially in Somalia, has encouraged Israel to establish a presence in the area. As a close ally of Israel, Ethiopia's interference in Somali affairs has facilitated Israel's job. There are indications that Israel has used Ethiopia's occupation of large areas in Somalia to give Mossad a foothold.
Zvi Bar expressed a widely held fear in Tel Aviv when expressing concern about the rise of Islam in Africa since it would lead to an anti-Israel atmosphere on the continent. Some analysts believe this is why Israel is redoubling its efforts in the region. When Israel approaches regimes that are in power struggles with Muslim opponents, they encourage them to rely on Israel's experience in confronting Islamic movements. Hence, Israel has exerted much effort in drawing closer to Nigeria, and signed an agreement to supply it with military equipment.
There is also a long list of Israeli interests in Africa that it wants to protect, including controlling oil mining on the continent, whereby Israeli companies -- under European cover -- are in charge of oil exploration in several African countries. Israel has taken great interest in Africa's oil reserves after UN reports confirmed them at more than 80 billion barrels. Israel also mines natural resources in African states, including uranium. In his book With the Power of Science, Israeli nuclear scientist Ariel Bakhrakh revealed that Israel had stolen uranium from African states under the pretence that its scientists were carrying out geological tests.
Third, Africa is a vast market for Israeli products, especially military products. Also, Israel monopolises many industrial and economic sectors in a number of Africa states. For example, Israeli companies have a strong hold on food products in Ethiopia. Finally, producing and exporting diamonds is a major source of revenue for Israel, and these diamonds are mined in Africa.
Historically, Israel has used several tools to strengthen ties with African countries, at times by exporting technical know-how in agriculture and at others through military training, discreetly providing medical treatment for African rulers at Israeli hospitals, and hosting African students at Israeli universities. Israel has not hesitated to participate in military coups in some African states. As confirmed by Yossi Melman, an Israeli commentator on intelligence issues, it is certain that Mossad assisted in coups that took place in Uganda and Zanzibar.
What is remarkable is that Israel is moving freely on the African continent without any Arab reaction. Arab states are failing to utilise the many tools they possess to not only stop Israel's manoeuvres, but more importantly to halt Tel Aviv's efforts to undermine Arab national security

Society must be defended

For six years, the killing of Amr Abu Setta, one of the leaders of a Palestinian resistance group in southern Gaza, remained a mystery. While there were many tales about how he died, there was consensus that Israeli intelligence was in one way or another behind his murder. The Israeli army accused him of being responsible for the deaths of a large number of occupation soldiers. A few months ago, the mystery was solved.
It became apparent that the person who placed the explosives under Abu Setta's car is Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed Ismail, a Palestinian working for Israeli intelligence. Ismail detonated the explosives via remote control upon orders from Israeli intelligence, killing Abu Setta and one of his aides. Ismail used his connections with some people in Abu Setta's circle to place the explosives that ended the life of this highly respected leader in Gaza. Ismail confessed to his involvement and received a death sentence from the military court in Gaza. He was executed 15 April.
This was not the only crime to which Ismail confessed. Other than collaborating with occupation forces, he admitted causing the death of a number of wanted Palestinian resistance activists by placing stickers on their vehicles to enable unmanned Israeli planes to target them.
According to a statement of the Ministry of Interior in Gaza, Ismail confessed to plotting the assassination of Hossam Hamdan, the son of prominent Hamas leader Ahmed Hamdan. Israeli intelligence killed the younger Hamdan in another operation. The collaborator also revealed that he assisted the Israeli army by going to Rafah, deep in southern Gaza, to defuse explosives placed by the resistance targeting Israeli forces that had penetrated the area.
This was the first time that an execution was carried out since Hamas began governing Gaza single-handedly in the summer of 2007. Another man, Salama Mohamed Abu Freh, who is a resident of Gabalya, was also executed after confessing to collaborating with the Israeli occupation forces. Abu Freh admitted that upon orders from Israeli intelligence he specialised in monitoring the border between Gaza and Israel and reported anyone who approached it.
Since 2002, Abu Freh began participating in military invasions after receiving military training in the occupied territories in 1984. Abu Freh further revealed that during the last war on Gaza, he participated in the Israeli invasion of Gabal Kashef, the Ottoman region and the recent invasion of eastern Gabalya, where a large number of civilians were killed. In return, Abu Freh received sums of money.
A senior Palestinian security source told Al-Ahram Weekly that the confessions of these two agents revealed the type of missions that are assigned to Israeli agents in Gaza. "Without these agents, occupation forces would not be able to succeed," he asserted. "Accordingly, espionage must be stamped out. We have decided to invest a lot of energy to curtail the damage done by collaborators with Israel." The source revealed that Israel manipulates economic and social conditions, as well as its control of the borders, to convince as many young Palestinians as possible to conspire with it.
Khalil Al-Hayya, a prominent Hamas figure, defended the death sentences asserting that the incumbent government will continue executing Israeli agents as part of its legal mandate. "Society has a right to defend itself against this danger," Al-Hayya argued. "We cannot ignore the issue of agents any longer; they were given an opportunity to mend their ways and rejoin their people. We cannot tolerate this issue anymore." He suggested that the education system should play a pivotal role in shielding young Palestinians from the manipulations of Israeli intelligence.
But lawyer Mustafa Ibrahim criticised the executions as beyond the basic mandate of Palestinian law, explaining that the law states that no execution can be carried out without the approval of the Palestinian president, and this did not happen. Ibrahim believes that the executions could negatively influence national reconciliation because Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas will consider them a signal that Hamas is not serious about ending inter-factional divisions.
Nonetheless, like others who are critical of the execution orders, Ibrahim understands the gravity of the issue of Israeli agents and the need to neutralise them. In fact, harsh measures against collaborators are popular among Palestinians, to the extent that 94 per cent living in Gaza support them. According to the Palestinian Human Rights Centre, Palestinian courts issued 17 death sentences over the past year -- three in the West Bank and the rest in Gaza. Minister of Interior in Gaza Fathi Hammad stated that his cabinet decided to carry out death sentences against Israeli agents regardless of opposition from human rights organisations.
But despite these executions, the Israeli general intelligence agency, the Shin Bet, continues to develop new methods to recruit Palestinians to spy on its behalf. One day before the executions took place, the Gaza Ministry of Interior announced that it uncovered an espionage network that uses Internet websites. It revealed how Israeli intelligence uses the needs of the people under siege to recruit agents, and that the ministry has undertaken a massive awareness campaign to confront this.
Spokesman for the Gaza Ministry of Interior Ehab Al-Ghassan warned against "falling into the trap of collaboration through the misuse of social Internet websites such as Facebook, Twitter and others." Al-Ghassan stated that Israel uses these websites to gather information about citizens and blackmails them into becoming agents. "Unfortunately, some citizens write everything about themselves on these websites, which include all their circles of friends and family, giving the occupation a wealth of information for free," he said.
Al-Ghassan continued that according to the security apparatus it is apparent from monitoring the activities of the Shin Bet and the confessions of agents that Israeli intelligence uses social websites extensively to recruit agents. Among its methods is "easily accessing these websites and gathering information, added to what intelligence they already have, and then blackmailing their targets and attempting to recruit them." The spokesman added that, "the target feels the Israelis know everything about him and quickly complies out of fear that they will retaliate against him with the information they have.
Sometimes, the Israelis do not directly recruit agents but obtain information surreptitiously. Some Gazans have reported that Israeli intelligence have called their landlines and cell phones using overseas numbers, posing as researchers from international or Palestinian research centres overseas, polling them about sensitive security issues pertaining to domestic Palestinian security.
Gamal Sarha, 28, from Al-Nossayrat Refugee Camp in central Gaza told the Weekly that he was surprised to receive a call recently from someone claiming to be from an Arab research centre based in London. The caller quizzed him about resistance movements and how Palestinians view them, which made Sarha certain that the caller was connected to the Israeli intelligence. One question asked was: "What would you do if resistance fighters stood by your house, would you tell them to move away or protect them?"
Another young man said that a woman speaking Arabic called claiming to be from an agency in the West Bank, and wanted him to respond to a questionnaire over the phone. All the questions revolved around the resistance and how the people respond to it; he refused to answer the questions after suspecting that the caller was connected to the Israeli intelligence.
All signs indicate that despite the fierce campaign underway against Israeli collaborators, Israel's intelligence apparatus is determined to continue developing new methods and tools to acquire vital information about the Palestinian resistance. This means that the issue of Israeli agents will remain on the Palestinian political and social agenda for a long time to come.

Whistling in the wind

The anger was clear on Ahmed El-Geshi's face as he listened to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas explaining on Palestinian TV why his government had postponed voting on the Goldstone Report.
"I can't listen to these lies anymore," El-Geshi said, turning off his television. "We've been waiting for him to say something new, but it's the same old broken record. He refuses to take responsibility for the crime of delaying the Goldstone Report. He will not act to finalise a comprehensive national reconciliation deal."
Disappointment that Abbas's speech betrayed a lack of will to achieve reconciliation was widespread. Political analyst Nehad El-Sheikh Khalil cited several portions of the speech which he said demonstrated that Abbas was "not serious" about ending inter-Palestinian divisions. These included the statement that his only goal in entering dialogue was to hold legislative and presidential elections and an allusion to his hope that elections would result in toppling Hamas from power in Gaza.
"When Abbas attacks Hamas and talks about the 'emirate of darkness' in Gaza, it is clear any reconciliation agreement will not end internal strife," argues Khalil. "Abbas believes elections will remove Hamas from power and therefore he is keen on holding elections." He told Al-Ahram Weekly it was "regretful" Abbas had attempted to explain Palestinian anger following the Goldstone incident as a conspiracy by Hamas.
"This shows that the man does not realise the magnitude of his mistake."
Khaled Meshaal, head of Hamas's Political Bureau, blamed the Palestinian leadership for the failure to reach a comprehensive national reconciliation accord. In an address to the Golan Forum in Damascus on Sunday, Meshaal said the leadership of the Palestinian Authority (PA) was incapable of signing a national reconciliation agreement because of its vulnerability to Israeli and US blackmail. He added that the PA remains unable to release a single political detainee without clearance from General Keith Dayton, US security coordinator to the PA and the effective head of the security apparatus in Ramallah.
Dawoud Shehab, spokesman for the Islamic Jihad Movement (IJM), argues the Abbas's address has further eroded any ability to make decisions on a national level. He described Abbas's reasoning as "baseless", and called on the president to apologise to the Palestinian people for his actions.
Taher Al-Nunu, spokesman for Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh's Hamas-run government in Gaza, told the Weekly that Abbas's speech was a blow to Egyptian efforts to reconcile Palestinian factions. "His words do not demonstrate that he is ready for reconciliation or its requisites," said Al-Nunu.
Abbas's address came after Hamas and Cairo agreed to the postponement of a reconciliation deal. An informed Palestinian source told the Weekly the Egyptians agreed to delay the agreement until after Eid Al-Adha in December. Egypt explained to Hamas it would not be possible to reach agreement by 26 October given the anger among Palestinians over the Goldstone episode. At the same time, Cairo rejected Hamas's suggestion to delay for only a few days so as not to appear as if Hamas is in control of the national dialogue.
According to the source Egypt wants Hamas to sign the agreement without objecting to any clauses, and agree to hold elections on 28 June 2010. Hamas has said it will consider the suggestions.
Ghazi Hamad, a leading Hamas official and the point man in contacts between the group and the Egyptian government, said that Hamas is committed to signing a reconciliation deal regardless of the Goldstone crisis. Hamad warned, however, about over-optimism in ending divisions with a stroke of a pen. He described the Egyptian-brokered document as a skeleton agreement, allowing each party to interpret it in a way that best serves its interests.
"The deal contains broad outlines, leaving it open to further negotiation to agree on how to move forward," Hamad told the Weekly. Putting pen to paper does not necessarily mean turning over a new leaf, he noted, citing several problematic issues, including the creation of a security force in charge of law and order in Gaza. "After the signing ceremony is over, several rounds of talks will be needed. There's also the issue of whether the security overhaul will include the West Bank, as per Hamas's request, or only the Gaza Strip, as demanded by Fatah."
The proposal to create a multi-factional committee to administer Gaza until elections are held is, says Hamad, devoid of detail, stipulating neither the mandate of the committee nor its relationship with Haniyeh's government in Gaza or with President Abbas. He believes the article pertaining to elections could alone derail the agreement since it remains contingent on the good will of the parties. It stipulates holding legislative, presidential and Palestinian National Council (PNC) elections "although it is almost impossible for the parties to agree on the mechanism of electing the PNC because of the large numbers of Palestinian refugees around the world."
Hamad doubts any reconciliation agreement will be worth the paper it is printed on because each party will only try to implement aspects that serve their own interests.
Abbas will attempt to push for legislative and presidential elections in the hope that although the people are critical of him and his aides, the siege of Gaza will convince voters not to re-elect Hamas. Meanwhile, Hamas will seek to delay the elections, and, together with other factions, demand a revision of the PA's political agenda, especially regarding negotiations with Israel in light of continued settlement building. It will also make other demands which it knows Abbas will reject.
The general sense among Palestinians is that any end to divisions is contingent on regional developments which might change the balance of internal Palestinian politics.
Meanwhile, on Tuesday, the Israeli daily Haaretz reported that Washington had informed Egypt that it rejects any reconciliation agreement sponsored by Cairo between Fatah and Hamas. George Mitchell, US Envoy to the Middle East, was said to have told Egyptian Chief of General Intelligence Omar Suleiman and Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul-Gheit that a reconciliation deal between Fatah and Hamas would undermine efforts to reach a political settlement of the conflict with Israel. Haaretz added that Mitchell stressed any future Palestinian government must comply with Quartet conditions, which includes rejecting resistance to occupation and recognition of agreements already signed between the PA and Israel.
Al-Jazeera reports that the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) will hold a special session in Geneva, as requested by the PA, in which the Goldstone Report is expected to be addressed. The session is expected to begin today. The PA request was co-sponsored by 18 member states of the UNHRC: Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bolivia, China, Cuba, Djibouti, Egypt, Gabon, Indonesia, Jordan, Mauritius, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Senegal

Back to square one

Head of Israel's Mossad Meir Dagan leant on a small staff in the company of his top aides as they waited in the room that opens into the Defence Ministry office of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu for permission to enter. This scene used to repeat itself every Thursday at noon, but recently the meetings between Netanyahu and Dagan have intensified, with them now meeting as often as three times a week, the Israeli media reports. One reason for their hectic schedule is that Dagan is in charge of coordinating Israeli policy on the Iranian nuclear issue, and is required to present evaluations of Israeli responses to the Iranian nuclear programme. Yet the increase in the number of meetings also reflects how seriously Israel is taking Iran's nuclear endeavours, a fact that was expressed in Netanyahu's recent speech at Bar-Ilan University, where he said that the Iranian nuclear threat was currently the top threat facing Israel.
Despite the apparent satisfaction among Israeli intellectuals and media professionals over the protests that have followed the presidential elections in Iran, Israeli decision-makers have warned of their possible consequences, and Israeli strategists agree that the election of Mir-Hussein Mousavi as Iran's president would have formed an even more serious threat for Israel than Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's rule. Mousavi's rise, they argue, would lead to toppling the mounting international pressure currently placed on Iran to stop its nuclear programme. Israel's second largest paper Maariv has reported top Defence Ministry officials as saying that it would be difficult for Israel to justify attacking Iranian nuclear facilities if Mousavi became Iran's president, even though Israel's decision-makers concur that Mousavi wouldn't differ from Ahmadinejad with regard to continued interest in the Iranian nuclear programme.
To a great extent, what's worrying Israel about the Iranian nuclear programme is the fear that the Israeli public has of it. Many Israelis tie their continued residency in Israel to developments in the Iranian nuclear programme, and the angry response of Netanyahu's government to a public opinion survey published by Israeli papers late last month is understandable -- about a quarter of Israelis say they will leave the country if Iran succeeds in developing nuclear arms. This survey tore down the myths upon which Zionism is based and which stress the spiritual, historical, and religious ties between the Jews and this land. Now many in Israel are raising difficult questions over these myths, and a quarter of them say they'll abandon the country if a neighbouring state develops nuclear arms.
As Israeli public opinion polls suggest, the number of those wanting to flee Israel would increase if Iran actually did develop nuclear arms. And these poll outcomes also confirm the fears expressed by former Israeli defence minister General Ephraim Sneh, who said two years ago that Israel would fall apart on its own accord if Iran developed nuclear arms because most of the Jews would simply leave Israel. These polls also explain why Israel considers any neighbouring Arab or Islamic state developing nuclear arms to form an existential threat.
Of course there are also other reasons why Israelis are terrified of the possibility of Iran or any other Islamic or Arab country in the region developing nuclear arms. Decision- makers in Tel Aviv are trying to keep silent over these reasons so as not to increase motivation for joining the nuclear arms race. Yet according to comments Israeli security experts made before the Knesset's foreign affairs and security committee, there is a list of reasons for the concern Israel is trying to hide over the possibility of Iran or any Arab country in the region developing nuclear capacities, even if they are considered moderate countries. These reasons include the following:
Firstly, should an Arab or Islamic state in geographic proximity to Israel develop nuclear capacities, that would greatly decrease Israel's ability to strike at the Palestinian resistance. Israel would then have to take into consideration the possibility of a confrontation in which the use of nuclear arms are a threat. These fears were expressed in a report submitted by Israeli military intelligence to the government a year ago. Netanyahu, for example, held that Israel wouldn't have been so bold in its last war on the Gaza Strip and conducted such wide-scale operations of killing and destruction if the Arabs had possessed nuclear arms. As such, decision- makers in Israel hold that the development of Arab or Iranian nuclear arms would allow the Palestinian resistance a greater margin of flexibility and an effective strategic reach. This would in turn increase the threat to Israeli security while Tel Aviv would remain incapable of firmly responding.
Secondly, Israeli strategist Shalom Gutman holds that Iran and the Arabs developing nuclear arms would undermine Israel's role in the region which, he argues, benefits the West. Israel has always claimed that the West and especially the United States are not doing it any favour by supporting it with arms, for it plays the role of the region's "police force" that disciplines "outlaws". This role was recognised by former Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, who several years ago told the American CNN network that "you Americans are not doing us a favour by offering us aid, for Israel plays the role of a permanent American jet carrier in the Middle Eastern region." It is certain that if Iran or the Arabs developed nuclear arms, Israel would lose this role, for the arms of the "police" would become outdated and wouldn't frighten anyone anymore, at which point Israel would need the West rather than the other way around. Former defence minister Shaul Mofaz warns that the Arabs' success in developing nuclear arms would allow them to develop relations with the West on different bases than those currently governing Western-Arab relations.
Thirdly, Arab development of nuclear arms would make Israel's traditional arsenal lose its value in future military confrontations. It would also harm many of the Israeli security institutions whose accomplishments have become legendary, in particular Mossad, which is currently charged with undermining Arab attempts to develop nuclear arms. This mission is based on Menachem Begin's principle established following the 1981 bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor by which Israel is obliged to prevent "enemy states" from developing nuclear arms by any means, including attacking facilities that are suspected of being part of future plans to develop nuclear arms.
Additionally, Israel would be economically strained by the need to allocate a large budget for building shelters and facilities to deal with the outcomes of a war in which nuclear arms are used. Despite the exorbitant cost of building such shelters, the Israeli government would be forced to do so in order to reassure residents and convince them to stay. It knows how terrified the public is of Arabs and Muslims developing nuclear arms and that their doing so might result in a mass exodus from Israel.
And finally, much of Israel's elite hold that the development of nuclear arms would put an end for good to the most important pillar of the Zionist project, that being Jewish immigration to Palestine. If a large percentage of Jews living in Palestine want to leave, it is almost certain that Jewish immigration to Palestine will end.
All of this reveals how fragile the Zionist entity is despite its military and technical superiority and its victory over the Arab armies. None of these achievements prevent Israel from sensing that it could return to square one at any moment. Changing the nature of the conflict is largely dependent on the ability of the Arabs to develop nuclear arms. Even those who believe in reaching a political settlement with Israel must also realise that without a significant change in the strategic power balance, Israel won't ever be convinced to change its current positions on a settlement to the conflict